WPS in 2024: Media must shift to report on WPS policy under Marcos Jr.

FOR SIX years, Rodrigo Duterte cozied up to Beijing, claiming economic gains for the country as his purpose. But his conduct and statements reflected the vassal of Beijing that he was. Marcos Jr.’s policy shift has set this right in principle. He has pledged to protect national sovereignty and establish national security over Philippine territorial waters.

However, the president has not shown the capacity to follow through on his pledge with deliberate and strategic implementation, without which policy is just a lot of talk.
Media reports on initiatives
In the past year, media reported the continued attacks by the Chinese militia on Philippine vessels. News also tracked presidential actions.
Marcos did enact two laws in November: the Philippine Archipelagic Sea Lanes Act and the Philippine Maritime Zones Act to “align our domestic law” with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2016 ruling.
He had adopted a “transparency initiative” in February 2023, opening monthly resupply missions to Filipino troops in the area to media coverage. This approach led to greater public awareness, both domestically and internationally, of each attempt by Chinese vessels to block the missions or harass their Filipino counterparts, employing what defense and military experts describe as “gray zone tactics”—coercive and provocative actions that are below the threshold of what is considered open warfare. Short of firing actual weapons, the China Coast Guard (CCG) and Chinese militia have tailed, shadowed or rammed vessels of the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG), the Philippine Navy and the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources to throw them off course. Coverage highlighted China’s use water cannons and blinding lasers against Filipino vessels.
Media detailed the most violent attack on Filipino troops on June 17, 2024, when the CCG harassed and rammed Filipino naval vessels resupplying the military outpost BRP Sierra Madre in Ayungin Shoal. The CCG went beyond their usual bullying tactics and seized navigation and communication equipment. A naval officer lost a thumb in the altercation.
Aside from Ayungin Shoal, the Panatag Shoal has remained a flashpoint as the Chinese have barred Filipino fisherfolk are still prevented entry by the Chinese. Escoda Shoal became a hot spot as media reported the deployment of BRP Teresa Magbanua to the area but after five months was pulled out, due partly to China’s blockade of resupply missions to the ship’s crew.
No questions on effects
Media gained greater access to the area in 2024. Joining PCG missions, journalists directly experienced CCG attacks. This has not led the media to discuss in-depth the lack of effectivity of the president’s initiatives, to point out that these have had little effect on China’s conduct. Reporters did not proactively inquire into more specific diplomatic efforts which Marcos had said he would pursue. They could have called attention to the lack of effort to pursue global support for the Philippines. But mainstream newsrooms did not do so.
In April 2024, media did report on Marcos’ commitment to uphold freedom of navigation and overflight not just in the West Philippine Sea but in the Indo-Pacific region, with journalists noting this as a small part of the overall national strategy.
The challenge called for something bigger, for a larger global scheme.
As Marcos has neither articulated nor taken visible steps to implement a compete strategy, the media were reduced to reporting attacks as these happened.
Public affairs programs and opinion pages featured retired justices Antonio Carpio and Artemio Panganiban who both strongly recommended taking the issue in international venues to air the Philippine issues, naming the United Nations General Assembly and the International Court of Justice.
But CMFR found that only a few news organizations were prepared to discuss these options and related issues. Journalists did not examine whether the Palace was taking up these recommended actions in any specific way.
In July, the media reported that the Armed Forces of the Philippines demanded PHP60 million from the CCG’s most violent attack. In June, the CCG rammed and boarded the Philippine Navy’s supply boat to seize important equipment. But reports did not confirm further action in the Palace.
Newsrooms did not follow up to report the need to assess total cost of damage not just to Philippine vessels but to the WPS environment. Philippine Daily Inquirer in September retired justice Francis Jardeleza who said that a new case can be filed against China for its continuous “ecological degradation,” and that the Philippines could claim millions or even billions as compensation.
Inquirer noted that both the Office of the Solicitor General and the Department of Foreign Affairs were open to the idea. But the commander-in-chief himself was silent on the matter.
Renouncing war
The full exercise of Philippine sovereign rights over the WPS without fear of foreign interference remains as a primary goal. President Marcos made clear his staunch adherence to the country’s non-war policy, asserting in December 2024 that he would not send Navy warships to the WPS amid recommendations to respond to China’s own navy shadowing Filipino vessels. He told reporters that the Philippines “has never been an agent of escalation of tensions.” The media did not press the chief executive to describe what would be appropriate action. There was no follow-up either on whether the laws he signed in November have had an effect on China’s conduct.
CMFR noted in an editorial that China’s aggression is “the one issue that has galvanized solidarity in a highly polarized society.” While the government has been fumbling in its response and in communicating this well, civilians have taken it upon themselves to assert freedom of navigation in the WPS through a “peace regatta” last May. The Atin Ito coalition of civil society organizations, activists and volunteers engaged around 100 boats for the installation of symbolic markers and for the distribution of food and fuel to Filipino fisherfolk. Media reported that the organizers called the mission a success, as a small contingent was able to break through a Chinese blockade and deliver supplies to Panatag Shoal.
Strong national consensus
Halfway into his term, President Marcos cannot afford to squander the value and strength of the established national consensus on the WPS. Meanwhile, the media need to move from the passive stance of waiting for the president to say something. It should report on the silence and the absence of follow-up action and show up the president’s lack of energy and focus to implement his impressive solutions.
The challenge of WPS is such as to engage a council of security, defense and political advisers to continually discuss, review and update the situation as in a “war room” which could ensure as well president’s avoidance of war. Such an undertaking could lead to more strategic presidential action.
People hailed Bongbong Marcos for his resolute expression to defend sovereignty, a most positive contrast to Duterte’s submission to Beijing. But will Marcos make good his pledge? Will he take the case to international venues? Will he press on international allies who have already indicated solidarity with the Philippine cause?
The press should check out with sources and search for signs of such efforts, the absence of which could be due to the lack of political will on the part of the administration, or the lack of presidential energy or personal capacity to make good his impressive intentions.