Bizarre, Brash, and Brazen: Media fixated on Dutertes
NEWS CONVENTIONS favored the out-of-ordinary, including colorful, even outrageous personalities. The Dutertes’ political success relied on a tried-and-true news brand that gets more attention for simply standing out. Unfortunately, the standard has little to do with the qualities of public service and national leadership.
For much of the time, Rodrigo Duterte projected the kind of strongman persona that many Filipinos found appealing, a leader who would get things done by the sheer power of his will. Rodrigo Duterte worked on the fear factor, terrorizing the populace into silent submission, including acceptance and approval of the violence unleashed by the state against its own citizens.
Out of power, he seemed ready to retire and live his days out of the limelight. But the entire Duterte family has become a “fat” dynasty, with members holding enough positions to exercise power and influence in government and public affairs. Paolo Duterte is a congressman; Sebastian, mayor of Davao City; and Sara Duterte remains in the second highest office of the land as vice president.
Rodrigo Duterte has every reason to secure a measure of political power to ward off judicial accountability for his role in the countless deaths caused by his war on drugs. The former president hoped the Marcos administration would ward off the probe of the International Criminal Court (ICC), based on statements made by Ferdinand Marcos Jr., that the ICC would involve undue interference in the country’s national affairs.
2024 confirmed the breakup of the Marcos-Duterte partnership. Uniteam proved to be a short-term transaction between the two dynasties. The international investigation continues to pose a threat to the older Duterte.
Meanwhile, Vice President Sara Duterte slipped and seemed to flounder on unfamiliar terrain, directly confronted with threats and challenges, as well as her perceived fears, as all her trouble has been of her own making.
2024 proved a tumultuous passage that called the Duterte father-daughter tandem into the news, making headlines, doing what they do best, being themselves, stuck in their bizarre, brash, and, brazen ways. For some time, the public seemed willing enough to be captive spectators of antic conduct. But apparently, there are limits to such passive tolerance. A public animosity has simmered to the surface, enough to raise serious questions about accountability, governance, and to a lesser extent, the damage done to democracy in the Philippines.
The polls showed enough Filipinos ready to express their discontent. Most recent polls showed Sara’s net approval rating at a low 22 percent, and her support in the National Capital Region dipped to 34 percent. The news did not give prominence to the dramatic dip in Sara Duterte’s popularity but some commentaries focused on the phenomenon, asking if this was “the beginning of the end” of Dutertismo.
Holding pattern for media
The media have so far remained calm and collected, despite the display of outrageous speech and conduct so natural to the political dynasty from Mindanao. The country’s standards for political conduct, even official manners, have never been high; but the Dutertes have clearly managed to offend. The press did not have to do the hard work. The Dutertes did it all themselves.
Sara’s saga
Sara Duterte’s resignation as Education Secretary last June was a turning point in her political journey. Hindsight shows that she expected to sail through doing what she had set out to do, including the cavalier use of confidential funds, thinking that no one would dare question her on this or any other point.
She did not seem to mind the cracks showing the disintegration of the Uniteam, including the very public cold shoulder of First Lady Liza Araneta Marcos. But eventually, the media record of these significant signs in public must have had some effect.
If Marcos Jr. did not intend to show her lack of qualification for this or other departments, her short time as secretary of education accomplished the objective (See, “Duterte’s resignation and the failed education system“).
Her tenure as education secretary was marred by severe gaps and serious lapses. Reports exposed the stark discrepancy between the lavish funding allocated to her book project and the underfunded areas of learning for Filipino students (See, “Reports expose funding gap between Duterte’s book and learners’ needs“). Media also highlighted the controversial expenditure of confidential funds that Duterte spent in only 11 days in December 2022 ( See, “Before the meltdown: Trail of massive corruption during Sara Duterte’s short term as DepEd Secretary“).
Such brazen self-serving use of public funds deserved the sharp check it received from Congress; But for Sara Duterte, the investigation and its findings were nothing more than a political attack against her and her father. Indeed, the political control of a Romualdez in the House may have had much to do with the determination to investigate her conduct. Unfortunately for Sara, she lacked the experience and savvy to have built up strong alliances to shore up her defense from such a massive House attack.
In October, she called a press conference to protest in a rambling monologue what she described as political attacks. The performance was later widely publicized as a meltdown that confirmed any doubt about her fitness for public office (See, “Before the meltdown: Trail of massive corruption during Sara Duterte’s short term as DepEd Secretary“). Her emotional outburst revealed her vulnerability as a politician, even as it showed the kind of leadership steeped in entitlement, sensitive to criticism and questioning, and thus dismissive of accountability.
Fully venting her anger, the country’s second highest offical abandoned the rules of public decorum. She told the press that she had threatened Senator Imee Marcos, the President’s sister, — that she, Duterte, would dig up the body of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. from the Libingan ng mga Bayani and dump it into the West Philippine Sea. She also confided a “turning point” in her “toxic” relationship with the President, when she had thoughts of “cutting off” his head.
Critics labeled her behavior as unbecoming of a national leader, with some political analysts characterizing her as a “spoiled brat.” The criticism resonated with many Filipinos who had grown weary of her defensiveness and apparent inability to address pressing national issues, resorting to Rodrigo Duterte’s quick use of violence or threats thereof (See, “Portrait of Sara Duterte as national spoiled brat“).
Later, on November 23, Sara said in a midnight press conference that she had left instructions that should she be killed, she had arranged for the killing of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the First Lady, and the House Speaker. This statement highlighted the sides of government officials, mostly saying that the statement was considered terrorism and she could face criminal charges, while groups have already clamored for her impeachment.
The close scrutiny of the expense records of the Office of Vice President revealed herself and her prospects as a spent force. There was no charm to save her. She did not have her father’s downhome style, the ease of the man in the street that had gained him so much popularity to the end.
Rodrigo’s “Retirement”
Out of office, the older Duterte said he was ready to retire from politics (See, “Duterte done with politics? Inquirer.net runs non-story“). But he managed well enough to keep himself in the news with media readily picking up every statement and public appearance.
His continuing hold on other politicians was evident when he attended Senate hearings in October to answer questions about his role in the drug war. His very presence overwhelmed whatever intentions there were in the chamber to hold him accountable, to question him or to reprimand him for the policy he pursued. The senators to a man treated him with deference. Senator Risa Hontiveros was one of the few who spoke up to urge the DOJ and the ICC to use the former president’s statements during the Senate’s drug war hearing to build a case against him.
In a display of vintage Dutertismo, he claimed he was in charge, he did it all and he and he alone should be held accountable.
Despite mounting evidence of his involvement in extrajudicial killings during his presidency, there is no sign that the political community will pursue the process to hold him accountable. In separate appearances in Congress, the former president was treated with deference, suggesting enough political influence to ensure judicial immunity. (See, “Rappler’s report: Duterte’s appearance reveals Senate’s lack of will to hold former president accountable“).
A Legacy in Tatters?
Throughout 2024, media coverage of the two Dutertes oscillated between consistent rigor and missed opportunities to show the Dutertes as unfit to rule. While most online news outlets provided in-depth analysis of key events, some mainstream publications and TV channels provided reports as incidents, episodes, and events. The media failed to present these as evidence of the fundamental failure of Duterte politics – the lack of skills, of long-term plans, of sensing the larger needs not of one or the other group but of the nation as a whole.
As 2024 came to a close, the Duterte brand stood shaken. While Rodrigo remains a figurehead of populist politics, his family’s influence has been significantly tarnished by Sara’s erratic behavior, her errant political conduct, and outright failures.
For many Filipinos, the Dutertes’ antics may have differentiated them from the Marcoses. But coverage did not identify political patterns that demonstrated similarities – the lack of energy and dedication to work, the lack of management skills, and the utter absence of a vision for the nation and country.
The two ruling dynasties and their cohorts have yet to realize the people’s aspiration to create a nation; to transform the motherland into a home they truly deserve.
For their part, the media need to connect the people to their role in politics. News accounts, interpretation, analysis, and commentary must focus on the audience as citizens who are voters. Filipinos need leaders to fulfill their dreams. Who they choose to lead them makes all the difference in making this noble dream come true.
